DSpace Общество:http://hdl.handle.net/11701/94282024-03-29T02:29:06Z2024-03-29T02:29:06ZYuan and its place in developing mega-economyKozlovsky, Vitaliy V.http://hdl.handle.net/11701/153182019-01-30T00:02:33Z2018-12-01T00:00:00ZНазвание: Yuan and its place in developing mega-economy
Авторы: Kozlovsky, Vitaliy V.
Краткий осмотр (реферат): Рецензия на цикл научных работ: Селищев А. С., Селищев Н. А., Селищев А. А. Финансовые
рынки и институты Китая. М.: Инфра-М, 2016. 258 с.; Селищев А. С., Селищев Н. А., Селищев А. А.
Китайский юань на пути к глобальному статусу. М.: Инфра-М, 2018. 352 с.2018-12-01T00:00:00ZEconomic tools of media policy for the preservation of media pluralism: An analysis of solutions adopted in Austria, the Czech Republic, France, Germany and ItalyJas-Koziarkiewicz, MartaStasiak-Jazukiewicz, Ewahttp://hdl.handle.net/11701/153172019-01-30T00:02:38Z2018-12-01T00:00:00ZНазвание: Economic tools of media policy for the preservation of media pluralism: An analysis of solutions adopted in Austria, the Czech Republic, France, Germany and Italy
Авторы: Jas-Koziarkiewicz, Marta; Stasiak-Jazukiewicz, Ewa
Краткий осмотр (реферат): Media policy makers are looking for safeguards for freedom of expression other than statutory
guarantees. The economic tools of media policy are one of the forms they use. The presented analysis
is based on the assumptions of constructivism. The adoption of this theoretical perspective
is also connected with the authors’ accepting the statement that shared norms, values and ideas
are strengthened, consolidated, worked out, contested and changed in social processes. The
starting point for the adopted research strategy was a case study. The article presents indirect and
direct subsidies supporting media pluralism in Austria, the Czech Republic, France, Germany
and Italy. All of the analysed countries decided to use this form of media support, but the scope
of assistance provided is different. The media are most strongly supported by France and Austria
while in Italy the level of support can be defined as medium and economic interventions on the
media market are taken to the smallest extent by Germany and the Czech Republic. The analysis
was supplemented by a discussion of the relationship between media ownership and economic
and political elites. The economic and political elite connections with the media, as indicated in
the text, are the best recommendation for countries to use economic forms of supporting media
pluralism.2018-12-01T00:00:00ZPermanent сampaigning as an issue for foreign policy analysis: A comparison of Nixon-China and Trump-Korea policiesLanko, Dmitry A.Lantsova, Irina S.http://hdl.handle.net/11701/153162019-01-30T00:02:30Z2018-12-01T00:00:00ZНазвание: Permanent сampaigning as an issue for foreign policy analysis: A comparison of Nixon-China and Trump-Korea policies
Авторы: Lanko, Dmitry A.; Lantsova, Irina S.
Краткий осмотр (реферат): The article seeks to extend the limits of applicability of permanent campaigning as a concept
helpful in understanding politics in the field of foreign policy analysis. It should start with exploring
how applicable the saying “it took Nixon to go to China” is not only to foreign policy
analysis, but also to the studies of public and even business administration. In early 1970s Nixon’s
reputation of a tough anti-Communist helped him win domestic support to his policy towards
Communist China. In a similar manner, in 2017 Trump sought a reputation of a fierce critic of
North Korea, by means of publicly threatening the latter with ‘fire and fury’, in order to not only
convince North Korea’s Kim to make concessions, but also to gain domestic support to possible
change in U.S.-North Korean relations. The Trump-Korea situation differed significantly from
the Nixon-China situation, which limited Trump’s ability to win domestic support to possible
rapprochement with North Korea by means of permanent campaigning. However, the article argues
that the very attempt deserves further exploration of the opportunities and challenges that
permanent complaining poses to the practice of foreign policy, and to foreign policy analysis.2018-12-01T00:00:00ZThe Role of Queen Margrethe II in the Soviet-Danish and Russian-Danish relationsGrigoreva, Oksana V.Plyusnin, Nikita O.http://hdl.handle.net/11701/153152019-01-30T00:02:33Z2018-12-01T00:00:00ZНазвание: The Role of Queen Margrethe II in the Soviet-Danish and Russian-Danish relations
Авторы: Grigoreva, Oksana V.; Plyusnin, Nikita O.
Краткий осмотр (реферат): The theory of political leadership includes different approaches to the analysis of head of state
as an actor of foreign policy. Mostly, heads of state as political leaders are described as possessing
charismatic traits of character and capable of having a dramatic influence on internal and
external affairs of the country. However, a question can be raised whether the theory of political
leadership is applicable to the analysis of head of state activities in limited monarchies. In
parliamentary monarchies, head of state powers are de-jure brought to a minimum. The aim
of this research is to define the role of Queen Margrethe II as a head of state in a constitutional
monarchy in international processes during the turbulent times of the Soviet-Danish and Russian-
Danish relations. In accordance with the Constitutional Act of the Kingdom of Denmark,
Queen Margrethe II is the executive head of the nation, i. e. by signing all governmental acts,
she nominally determines the foreign policy of the Kingdom. However, in several specific situations,
connected, for instance, with dynastic issues or peace maintenance, the Queen is ready
to contravene the approved course of action. Shortly before the conclusion of the Helsinki
Accords in 1975, Queen Margrethe II made her state visit to the USSR which has had a great
impact on the bilateral relations. Not without interest is the Queen’s willpower to conduct
the ceremonies connected with the reburial of the remains of Empress Maria Feodorovna in
St. Petersburg. Finally, we have made two conclusions. Firstly, a head of state in parliamentary
monarchies, who mostly undertakes ceremonial duties, can influence contentious bilateral
relationships while being an “ambassador for peace”, strengthening friendly ties in all areas
of cooperation. Secondly, a head of state in limited monarchies is able to conduct his or her
own foreign policy course, which will contravene with the policies of the Government if issues
important for the monarch are concerned.2018-12-01T00:00:00ZMilitary and political cooperation of the United States with Finland and Sweden in modern timesKislitsyn, Sergey V.http://hdl.handle.net/11701/153142019-01-30T00:02:25Z2018-12-01T00:00:00ZНазвание: Military and political cooperation of the United States with Finland and Sweden in modern times
Авторы: Kislitsyn, Sergey V.
Краткий осмотр (реферат): The modern U.S. foreign policy is facing a number of challenges. In the context of Europe,
among other things, they can be characterized by the continuing confrontation with Russia
and contradictions with regional allies. For example, Washington’s concern is the development
of independent military-political approaches of the European Union and the creation
of Permanent Structured Cooperation in security and defence spheres (PESCO). Additional
negativity contributes the upcoming exit of the UK from the EU. This set of problems leads
to the need to adjust the existing system of American unions in Europe. Against this background,
the development of cooperation with Finland and Sweden can be very promising for
Washington’s interests. Both countries, while not being members of NATO, tend to focus on
the United States in their foreign policy. At the same time, cooperation with them may contribute
to America’s interests advancing in Europe. Previously, relations with these countries
were not very active, but the changes are becoming more and more obvious. So, in May 2018,
a statement of intent was signed between the United States, Finland and Sweden to develop
cooperation in the military and political domain. In addition, there is an increase in cooperation
within the framework of the organization of the Nordic Defence Cooperation (NORDEFCO).
The scale of military activities exercised in northern Europe, in which the United
States is actively involved, is also increasing. This article discusses the modern aspects of the
U.S. military-political cooperation with Finland and Sweden. Special attention is paid to the
importance of these countries for the American policy in Europe in the context of modern
transatlantic contradictions, the interest of the U.S. military industrial complex on the European
market and compensation for the Brexit. On the basis of the material studied, the author
makes assumptions about further ways of cooperation between the three countries. The study
was conducted on the basis of official government documents and the positions of Western
and Russian experts.2018-12-01T00:00:00ZEvolution of the ‘Russian factor’ in Japanese foreign policy in Central AsiaMurashkin, Nikolay Yu.http://hdl.handle.net/11701/153132019-01-30T00:02:31Z2018-12-01T00:00:00ZНазвание: Evolution of the ‘Russian factor’ in Japanese foreign policy in Central Asia
Авторы: Murashkin, Nikolay Yu.
Краткий осмотр (реферат): The article offers a nuanced analysis of several milestones in the evolution of Japan’s foreign
policy in post-Soviet Central Asia, focusing in particular on Russia’s role and place in Tokyo’s
diplomatic strategy in the region. It aims to fill gaps in understanding what the driving forces
behind this foreign policy are and to reflect such nuances as the changes in Japan’s diplomatic
priorities in relation to Central Asia in Tokyo’s foreign policy community. The work introduces
a number of primary and secondary sources into the Russian-language academic literature
on the matter that were previously unused or used insufficiently, in the English and Japanese
languages. The article challenges the idea of reducing Japan’s foreign policy in Central Asia
to only passing the U.S. foreign policy interest and interpreting it as balancing Russia’s influence
on Central Asia within the ‘zero-sum-game’. According to the author, such balancing
corresponds to individual, if notable, episodes in Tokyo’s foreign policy in the region, which
are more accurately described in terms of neoclassical realism as overbalancing. A restrictive
interpretation of Tokyo’s Silk Road Diplomacy as balancing the influence of Russia and/
or China would also be static since it would not reflect the changes that this diplomacy went
through over the two decades of its existence — for example, a gradual change in the position
of Tokyo toward increased cooperation and decreased competition, as well as the reasons for
these changes. The article is dedicated to the analysis of various milestones in the development
of Tokyo’s foreign policy in Central Asia while considering the ‘Russian factor’.2018-12-01T00:00:00ZPublic diplomacy in Afghanistan, 2002–2018: Impact of the USA on social networks, political system and universitiesTsvetkova, Natalia A.Sytnik, Anna N.http://hdl.handle.net/11701/153122019-01-30T00:02:35Z2018-12-01T00:00:00ZНазвание: Public diplomacy in Afghanistan, 2002–2018: Impact of the USA on social networks, political system and universities
Авторы: Tsvetkova, Natalia A.; Sytnik, Anna N.
Краткий осмотр (реферат): The study applies both qualitative methods of analysis to evaluate U.S. government documents
and quantitative methods to analyse a considerable amount of data relative to social networks
and reveals three areas of U.S. public diplomacy in Afghanistan, notably informational projects
and the establishment of local social media, the development of civic society and the
americanization of universities. Several findings resulted from the study. Firstly, the United
States tries to make an impact on Afghan users in social networks and disseminates its positive
image; however, as soon as the government terminates its activity on social media or does not
produce some attractive news, the supporters of the Taliban disseminate a strong anti-American
stance among the users. Moreover, the majority of Afghan population does not use the
Internet, which reduces the ability for Washington to exert influence in remote provinces. The
second finding is that the democratization of Afghanistan’s political system and the support
of political parties, observers and the civil society are more successful. However, the security
problems and the sabotage on the part of the traditional Afghan society limit the opportunities
to build a new political landscape in terms of Washington’s view. Finally, the transformation
of universities and the americanization of curricula, structures, models of teaching, etc.,
are also restrained by the resistance on the part of the academic community of Afghanistan.2018-12-01T00:00:00ZFrom the heartlands of jihadism: The politics of chaos in AfghanistanRuohomäki, Ollihttp://hdl.handle.net/11701/153112019-01-30T00:02:28Z2018-12-01T00:00:00ZНазвание: From the heartlands of jihadism: The politics of chaos in Afghanistan
Авторы: Ruohomäki, Olli
Краткий осмотр (реферат): This article examines the phenomenon of jihadist groups operating in the Afghanistan-Pakistan
borderlands and argues that the political chaos that reigns in Kabul is contributing to
the growth of jihadism in Afghanistan. The administration of Kabul is losing its grip on the
security situation and Afghanistan is once again on the brink of an abyss. The future of various
jihadist groups, be they the Taliban, ISIS, Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan operating on Afghan
soil or other smaller groups, appears promising. On the other hand, the prognosis for
the Afghanistan-Pakistan borderlands and the civilian populations living in the rugged and
restless region appears bleak. The vicious cycle of violence continues and the entrenched
jihadist groups revel in the chaos caused by the failure of central governments on both sides
of the border to establish the rule of law and provide services for the local populations. It appears
that the borderlands that have always been beyond the control of central governments
will continue to be ungoverned spaces for a long time to come.2018-12-01T00:00:00ZThe states choose strategy of behaviourZaslavskaya, Natalia G.http://hdl.handle.net/11701/150102018-10-26T00:02:09Z2018-09-01T00:00:00ZНазвание: The states choose strategy of behaviour
Авторы: Zaslavskaya, Natalia G.
Краткий осмотр (реферат): The states choose strategy of behaviour2018-09-01T00:00:00Z“Old Сontinent” in search of new place in the worldKhudoley, Konstantin K.http://hdl.handle.net/11701/150092018-10-26T00:02:11Z2018-09-01T00:00:00ZНазвание: “Old Сontinent” in search of new place in the world
Авторы: Khudoley, Konstantin K.
Краткий осмотр (реферат): “Old Сontinent” in search of new place in the world2018-09-01T00:00:00Z